This paper analyses the semantics of the two particles: -hari and -də (usually treated as Q(uestion)-particle, cf, Slade 2011) in Sinhala (an Indo-Aryan language spoken in Sri Lanka), capturing their systematic occurrence in the contexts of disjunction, indefinite and question constructions. It presents a novel account for the two particles based on the inclusivity and exclusivity constraints that they impose on Hamblin style alternatives. It seeks to account for a wide range of phenomena such as free-choice and specificity effects of indefinites in modal contexts, ignorance implicatures in indefinites, and exhaustivity implicatures in questions, based on the constraints of the two particles on domain alternatives.
Proceedings of the 34th West Coast Conference on Formal Linguistics
edited by Aaron Kaplan, Abby Kaplan, Miranda K. McCarvel, and Edward J. Rubin
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