The goal of this paper is to present evidence that supports a new generalization regarding restrictions on neg-raising (NR) in English. In general, NR is blocked in an embedded clause that is understood as future-shifted or yet unknown from the perspective of the matrix tense. This paper will argue that this restriction on NR in future-shifted environments is the key factor that leads to partial cyclicity, an asymmetry in the availability of NR with respect to various combinations of stacked neg-raising predicates, first discovered by Horn (1971) and discussed in greater detail in Gajewski (2007). Also, in illustrating the generality of NR blocking in future-oriented environments, the data will be shown to present a new puzzle that cannot be accounted for by existing theories, such as Collins & Postal (2014)'s syntactic account of NR, and Gajewski (2007)'s account of partial cyclicity.
Proceedings of the 34th West Coast Conference on Formal Linguistics
edited by Aaron Kaplan, Abby Kaplan, Miranda K. McCarvel, and Edward J. Rubin
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