The Syntax of Focus Association in Dutch and German: Evidence from Scope Reconstruction
Liz Smeets and Michael Wagner
470-480 (complete paper
or proceedings contents
This paper presents novel evidence for the availability of scope reconstruction of [ONLY + DP] sequences from the prefield in Dutch (and German). Adding to earlier arguments in Reis (2005) and Meyer and Sauerland (2009), this paper provides additional evidence against the analysis of ONLY in Büring and Hartmann (2001) which claims that ONLY can exclusively adjoin to adverbial positions. The authors rely on evidence from the Prosodic Question Answer Congruence and data from the scopal interaction between ONLY and adverbs to support these claims. The paper also presents a two-place syntactic analysis of ONLY which provides an alternative explanation for some of the syntactic restrictions on its distribution for which the Adverbial Analysis was originally proposed, as well as the scope reconstruction data. In addition, the paper discusses some of the constraints on scope reconstruction, such as why reconstruction is always available from the prefield, but in the middlefield only with respect to arguments but not with adverbs.
Proceedings of the 34th West Coast Conference on Formal Linguistics
edited by Aaron Kaplan, Abby Kaplan, Miranda K. McCarvel, and Edward J. Rubin
Table of contents