In this paper probe-goal relations are proposed to be subject to greater variation than expected, such that both Cyclic Agree and Multiple Agree are possible not only typologically, but also within a single language and a single probe. Cheyenne (Algonquian) has two ways of marking 1st and 2nd person plurality and their conditioning differs between transitives and ditransitives. A hybrid account of AGREE is proposed in order to account for this person/number marking which includes elements of both Cyclic Agree (potentially two probing cycles) and Multiple Agree (multiple simultaneous goals in the first cycle). Evidence against a pure Cyclic Agree account comes from the absence of bleeding effects in transitive forms, which indicates that probing is not always successive cyclic. Evidence against a pure Multiple Agree account comes from the presence of bleeding effects in ditransitive forms, which indicates that all arguments are not always simultaneously probed. In addition to implications for probe variation, the ability for the structurally lowest argument in ditransitives to be probed presents a challenge to strict conceptions of locality.
Proceedings of the 34th West Coast Conference on Formal Linguistics
edited by Aaron Kaplan, Abby Kaplan, Miranda K. McCarvel, and Edward J. Rubin Table of contents
ISBN 978-1-57473-471-3 library binding
vii + 598 pages
publication date: 2017
published by Cascadilla Proceedings Project, Somerville, MA, USA