This paper examines Russian -nibud' indefinites. Taking as a starting point the idea that these indefinites are markers of dependency or co-variation, it is shown that the domain variable (that is, the variable with respect to which -nibud' indefinites co-vary) need not be an individual variable. In fact, -nibud' indefinites can also co-vary with events, worlds and spatial locations. The ways in which such domain variables can be introduced in Russian are examined, especially with respect to verbal aspect and modality. Furthermore, -nibud' indefinites are compared to another construction expressing co-variation, namely the distributive po construction.
Proceedings of the 27th West Coast Conference on Formal Linguistics
edited by Natasha Abner and Jason Bishop
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