This paper presents a minimalist analysis of presupposition and [wh]-extraction from factive complements, utilizing the framework(s) developed by Chomsky (2001, 2005). Factive complements are argued to lack a matrix subject [assertion] feature at the left edge of the clause, which renders the complement CP a defective phase. As defective phases, factive complements lack an EF and are shown to resist movement to CP-layer. Long-distance [wh] movement from factive complements is argued to be driven directly by the matrix (factive) v°, which targets the accusative case feature on embedded [wh] objects and draws them to the matrix clause in an A-movement fashion. This is prohibited for nominative-marked subjects, as well as adjuncts, which are caseless.
Proceedings of the 27th West Coast Conference on Formal Linguistics
edited by Natasha Abner and Jason Bishop
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