The hypothesis that 'any' widens the domain of quantification has proven very productive in the literature dealing with polarity sensitive items. This paper investigates the role of 'any' as a domain widener by comparing the interpretation of 'any' indefinites with the interpretation of regular indefinites in negative contexts. Different approaches to domain restriction are examined and compared. Making use of standard mechanisms for domain restriction, it is not easy to establish a distinction between 'any' indefinites and regular indefinites.
Proceedings of the 27th West Coast Conference on Formal Linguistics
edited by Natasha Abner and Jason Bishop
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