This paper shows that Castilian Spanish has three contrasting rising pitch accents and sets out to offer an adequate analysis within the Autosegmental-Metrical theory of intonational phonology. It is proposed, following Prieto, D'Imperio and Gili Fivela's analysis of Catalan, that the Autosegmental-Metrical theory can account for the three-way contrast by incorporating secondary associations of tones in pitch accents, much as has been done for edge tones in various languages. The primary association of a tone indicates that it is that tone of the pitch accent that has an autosegmental association with the stressed syllable (via the foot). This association has no implications for the phonetic alignment of the F0 contour, but rather indicates the strong tone of the accent that leads to perception of a syllable bearing this accent as high or low. The secondary association, when present, encodes into the metrical structure the metrical unit (e.g., syllable, mora, word edge) with which the tone aligns phonetically in the F0 contour. The author proposes an analysis of the three Castilian Spanish rising pitch accents, employing secondary associations, that accounts for the patterns found through distinct metrical structures, thus not merely representing the difference between the patterns but explaining why each occurs.