This article sets out to answer the question of why non-argumental reflexive pronouns of Spanish (e.g., se in Juan se comió la manzana)—also known as aspectual se—do not allow clitic doubling. The authors note several parallels between the properties of these constructions and accomplishments formed with goal prepositions as well as telicity-inducing particles in English. They propose that there is a null P merged low with the verb that introduces this Spanish reflexive, and argue that the presence of this null P is what rules out clitic doubling in these cases. Essentially, the uninterpretable features of the double cannot be valued because they are too far from the subject of the main predicate, possibly because the null P is a phase head.