Children's Interpretations of Some/every Interaction in Mono-clausal and Bi-clausal Structures in Japanese
Kyoko Yamakoshi and Tetsuya Sano
471-482 (complete paper
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This paper examines the acquisition of the quantifier scope interaction between some and every in mono-clausal and bi-clausal structures in Japanese. The experiment examined whether Japanese children were able to reject inverse scope readings in mono-clausal and bi-clausal structures like Japanese adults. The paper compares the results of Japanese children with the interpretations of English-speaking adults and concludes that the Weak Continuity Hypothesis (Weissenborn, Goodluck, and Roeper 1992) cannot explain the acquisition of some/every interaction in Japanese. The paper also deals with Isomorphism (Musolino 1998), the acquisition of the Rigidity Condition (Lasnik and Saito 1992), and the acquisition of the clause-bound property of Quantifier Raising (Lasnik and Saito 1992).
Proceedings of the 2nd Conference on Generative Approaches to Language Acquisition North America (GALANA)
edited by Alyona Belikova, Luisa Meroni, and Mari Umeda
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