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Children's Interpretations of Some/every Interaction in Mono-clausal and Bi-clausal Structures in Japanese Kyoko Yamakoshi and Tetsuya Sano 471-482 (complete pdf) This paper examines the acquisition of the quantifier scope interaction between some and every in mono-clausal and bi-clausal structures in Japanese. The experiment examined whether Japanese children were able to reject inverse scope readings in mono-clausal and bi-clausal structures like Japanese adults. The paper compares the results of Japanese children with the interpretations of English-speaking adults and concludes that the Weak Continuity Hypothesis (Weissenborn, Goodluck, and Roeper 1992) cannot explain the acquisition of some/every interaction in Japanese. The paper also deals with Isomorphism (Musolino 1998), the acquisition of the Rigidity Condition (Lasnik and Saito 1992), and the acquisition of the clause-bound property of Quantifier Raising (Lasnik and Saito 1992). Published in: Proceedings of the 2nd Conference on Generative Approaches to Language Acquisition North America (GALANA) edited by Alyona Belikova, Luisa Meroni, and Mari Umeda Table of contents ISBN 978-1-57473-419-5 library binding vii + 490 pages publication date: 2007 published by Cascadilla Proceedings Project, Somerville, MA, USA |