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Kyoko Yamakoshi and Tetsuya Sano
471-482 (complete pdf)
This paper examines the acquisition of the quantifier scope interaction between some and every in mono-clausal and bi-clausal structures in Japanese. The experiment examined whether Japanese children were able to reject inverse scope readings in mono-clausal and bi-clausal structures like Japanese adults. The paper compares the results of Japanese children with the interpretations of English-speaking adults and concludes that the Weak Continuity Hypothesis (Weissenborn, Goodluck, and Roeper 1992) cannot explain the acquisition of some/every interaction in Japanese. The paper also deals with Isomorphism (Musolino 1998), the acquisition of the Rigidity Condition (Lasnik and Saito 1992), and the acquisition of the clause-bound property of Quantifier Raising (Lasnik and Saito 1992).
Published in:
Proceedings of the 2nd Conference on Generative Approaches to Language Acquisition North America (GALANA)
edited by Alyona Belikova, Luisa Meroni, and Mari Umeda
Table of contents
ISBN 978-1-57473-419-5 library binding
vii + 490 pages
publication date: 2007
published by Cascadilla Proceedings Project, Somerville, MA, USA