In this paper the author claims on the basis of Polish data that: (1) Sluicing does not alleviate islands, just like VP ellipsis; (2) Ellipsis is not licensed by syntactic identity (no PF, LF Islands, or trace deletion); (3) There is syntactic structure in the ellipsis site; (4) ellipsis is licensed by a recoverability condition—if there is enough information in the non-elided signal, ellipsis is acceptable, including case-mismatches, PP stranding violations, adjunct islands, etc.
Proceedings of the 27th West Coast Conference on Formal Linguistics
edited by Natasha Abner and Jason Bishop Table of contents
ISBN 978-1-57473-428-7 library binding
vii + 466 pages
publication date: 2008
published by Cascadilla Proceedings Project, Somerville, MA, USA