This paper presents a minimalist analysis of presupposition and [wh]-extraction from factive complements, utilizing the framework(s) developed by Chomsky (2001, 2005). Factive complements are argued to lack a matrix subject [assertion] feature at the left edge of the clause, which renders the complement CP a defective phase. As defective phases, factive complements lack an EF and are shown to resist movement to CP-layer. Long-distance [wh] movement from factive complements is argued to be driven directly by the matrix (factive) v°, which targets the accusative case feature on embedded [wh] objects and draws them to the matrix clause in an A-movement fashion. This is prohibited for nominative-marked subjects, as well as adjuncts, which are caseless.
Proceedings of the 27th West Coast Conference on Formal Linguistics
edited by Natasha Abner and Jason Bishop Table of contents
ISBN 978-1-57473-428-7 library binding
vii + 466 pages
publication date: 2008
published by Cascadilla Proceedings Project, Somerville, MA, USA