In this paper, I discuss apparent optionality in wh-fronting in Valdôtain Patois (Francoprovençal group). Using evidence from parasitic gap licensing and binding, I show that that clause internal wh-phrases undergo movement to their scope-taking position in narrow syntax. The different word orders result from the deletion of different copies in the chain. Deletion of all lower copies in the chain results in wh-fronting, whereas deletion of higher copies results in clause internal wh-phrases. The latter are thus evidence in favor of overt-covert movement, namely movement in narrow syntax with deletion of higher copies in the chain, and the T model. Furthermore, I show that clause internal wh-phrases do not display island sensitivity. I resort to the placement of interveners inside and above the island to diagnose the movement path of clause internal wh-phrases, which are not subject to intervention effects, both when the intervener is inside the island and when it's above it. Therefore, I argue that wh-phrases move out of the island to the matrix CP, where they scope over the entire sentence, but deletion of higher copies in the chain voids island effects.