In Japanese nominative object construction (NOC), instead of the canonical dative or accusative case, a set of stative-denoting predicates license nominative case on the (in)direct objects. I argue that NOC exemplifies an unnoticed phenomenon: the structural height of the object can affect the structural height of the subject. I first bring new evidence that NOM-objects in NOC occupy a higher structural position than their canonical ACC/DAT counterparts. More importantly, I will show that in NOC, the clause-mate NOM-subjects also occupy a higher subject position than NOM-subjects outside NOC. I argue for a causal relationship between the high object position and the high subject position, which can be derived from very basic assumptions about locality requirements on movement.