In this paper, we investigate the semantics of conditionals headed by in case. We propose that these conditionals differ from if-conditionals in two ways: (i) if-conditionals are compatible with both hypothetical and biscuit interpretations; in case-conditionals always receive biscuit readings; (ii) if-conditionals are felicitous when their antecedents have been brought up in the discourse; in case-conditionals are not. We propose an account couched in inquisitive semantics (Ciardelli et al. 2017, 2018) that captures these two facts, and conclude the paper with a discussion of some apparent counterexamples to these generalizations.