The PP of locative inversion in English is known to exhibit certain properties characteristic of A-moved DP subjects, and others of A-bar-moved topics. Yet the syntactic locality profile of locative inversion has not been systematically investigated with regard to the A/A-bar distinction. This paper makes two empirical contributions towards this endeavor. First, I show that locative inversion exhibits A-movement locality in prohibiting PP subextraction from DP, in contrast with topicalization and other forms of A-bar-movement. Second, I provide novel data showing that DP must be linearized to the right of AdjP secondary predicates and other VP-internal material resistant to extraposition, corroborating the long-standing hypothesis that focus postposing is obligatory in LocInv. I propose that this condition is captured straightforwardly if movement always targets the leftmost potential goal. Ordinarily, DP precedes PP, so that DP raises; if DP undergoes rightward focus movement, however, PP precedes DP, so that PP raises.