Bolognese's clitic system shows complex alternations in which phonotactic constraints are satisfied by suppletion and vowel epenthesis, sometimes with surprising results: in some contexts, the attested suppletive form necessitates epenthesis that would have been unnecessary if another allomorph had been chosen instead. In this paper we argue that Gradient Symbolic Representations (Smolensky & Goldrick 2016) permit an account of this behavior. This framework allows the grammar's preference for one allomorph over another to be encoded in the underlying activities assigned to each allomorph. Under the right conditions, those preferences can be strong enough to create outputs that require additional repairs despite the availability of a disfavored allomorph that needs no such repair. This analysis compares favorably to one couched in the theory of Lexical Selection, which is designed specifically for suppletion.