Korean sentence final ending ‑ney is said to be used in declarative sentences with the speech act of assertion, and introduce the implication the speaker has direct perceptive evidence regarding its prejacent (or direct evidentiality). However, ‑ney has some unique characteristics, among which this paper focuses on the cases where an utterance with ‑ney does not seem to carry any new information to the addressee, contrary to the general understanding of assertion (Stalnaker 1978, a.o.). To explain this, this paper argues that an utterance with ‑ney can exhibit what we call at-issue variability: the at-issue content of the utterance with ‑ney varies between the prejacent, on the one hand, and the information content provided by ‑ney, on the other hand. Given this, this paper shows that apparent non-informative assertions can be explained in terms of a direct perceptive evidential, without assuming a non-canonical lexical entry for ‑ney, such as a mirative marker (Park 2020, a.o.), or a non-canonical assertion marker (Chung 2014, 2016, a.o.). Finally, this paper also shows that this kind of at-issue variability can be found in other evidentials, at least in Korean, such as another direct perceptive evidential ‑te‑.