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Share Paper 3685

Towards an Understanding of the Derivational Timing of Resumption
Ivy Sichel
654-661 (complete paper or proceedings contents)

Abstract

How exactly does resumption interact with movement, within the theory that resumption repairs movement violations directly, as part of a movement derivation? Why can resumption occur at the tail of a chain, at a potentially unbounded distance from the potential island violation? The paper examines and challenges two implicit assumptions about resumption and the movement which it repairs: (I) that there must be a positional match, between the first step of movement and the position of resumption, and (II) that there must be a derivational match, between the timing of movement and the timing of resumption. To address these issues, the paper focuses on a new variety of resumptive pronouns (RPs), high RPs, found in Hebrew in the left periphery of the relative clause (RC). The central focus is the derivation of these high RPs. Based on a mis-match between the interpretation of accusative RPs in-situ and their interpretation as high RPs, it is argued that high RPs must be realized directly in this position. The direct realization of RPs in high positions involves mid-chain resumption, a challenge to the necessity of positional matches, and counter-cyclic resumption, a challenge to the necessity of derivational matches. These possibilities provide the beginning of an understanding of how resumption and movement may, and may not, interact.

Published in

Proceedings of the 39th West Coast Conference on Formal Linguistics
edited by Robert Autry, Gabriela de la Cruz, Luis A. Irizarry Figueroa, Kristina Mihajlovic, Tianyi Ni, Ryan Smith, and Heidi Harley
Table of contents
Printed edition: $645.00