In this squib, Norris describes a pattern of hybrid agreement in number that is found in Estonian and Finnish numeral-noun constructions (NNCs). Norris argues that this empirical pattern cannot be straightforwardly analyzed without an appeal to functional structure. This is in part a response to Bruening (2020), who argues against the DP hypothesis by presenting NP-only analyses of three prominent generalizations previously argued to require DP (hybrid agreement in Bosnian/Croatian/Serbian among them). Hybrid agreement in Estonian/Finnish differs from hybrid agreement in Bosnian/Croatian/Serbian in key ways that cause problems for Bruening's (2020) lexical analysis. Norris argues instead for a structural analysis of hybrid agreement (in Estonian/Finnish). In so doing, he argues that it is an argument in favor of the DP hypothesis, i.e., the necessity of nominals headed by something other than N.