Romanian pronouns el/ea 'him/her' are ambiguous between a reflexive reading and a locally disjoint reading. We investigate their interpretation by means of two comprehension experiments with pronouns targeting both referential (Experiment 1) and quantified antecedents (Experiment 2). If binding dependencies are preferred to discourse established reference relations (Reinhart, 1983; Reuland, 2011), we might expect a preference for reflexive readings. If listeners reject reflexive readings for ambiguous pronouns, given the existence of unambiguous reflexive forms in Romanian, like el însuşi/ea însaşi 'him himself / her herself', we might expect a preference for disjoint readings. If these pronominal forms do compete (Safir, 2004; Rooryck and vanden Wyngaerd, 2011; Levinson, 2000), but their competition leads to graded, instead of absolute preferences, we expect the interpretation of el/ea 'him/her' to be affected by the availability of other pronominal forms. We find: (i) no clear pressure for bound variable readings; (ii) no clear pressure for locally disjoint reference; and (iii) complex reflexives el însuşi/ea însaşi 'him himself / her herself' compete with simplex pronominal forms el/ea 'him/her' and the increased availability of complex reflexives lowers the rate of the bound variable interpretation of simplex forms in contexts in which the latter are ambiguous.