Ergative languages do not allow reflexive anaphors to appear as external arguments (Anderson 1976). The literature has taken this fact to provide evidence against "High Absolutive" analyses of many such languages (Bobaljik & Branigan 2006, Legate 2006, Massam 2006, Otsuka 2006). However, this paper shows that the ban on ergative anaphors persists in two unrelated ergative languages where the absolutive argument does undergo A-movement to the highest argument position in the clause: Chuj (Mayan) and Mandar (Austronesian). It then demonstrates that the ban persists in a range of other languages which show the same configuration. These patterns suggest that the distribution of reflexive anaphors cannot be taken as an argument against the existence of High Absolutive syntax in any ergative language. Rather, it must be linked to the independent constraints which govern the distribution of these elements.