The Dravidian long-distance anaphor taan poses a locality puzzle. It generally shows strong anti-locality in binding: it cannot be bound by a local antecedent. However, in select environments involving a morpheme koL, this requirement seems to be relaxed, and what looks like local binding is permitted. Drawing primarily on data from Malayalam, I show that this apparent exceptionality is only apparent. The relevant environments in Malayalam involve a periphrastic progressive construction, comprising of a light verb and a PP embedding a nominalized complement. This bifurcation of the clause means that there is no selective "anti-antilocality" with taan.