This paper argues that Nishnaabemwin (Algonquian) roots are syntactic entities based on the interaction between suppletion, clitic doubling, and animacy. Harley (2014) argues that Hiaki (Uto-Aztecan) suppletive root insertion is sensitive to the number features of the object. As Hiaki does not have object agreement, Harley proposes that the alternation is conditioned by a head-complement relation. Borer (2014) counters that there would need to be independent evidence that Hiaki verbs/roots are otherwise sensitive to the number features of their complements outside of the root alternations. This paper shows that Nishnaabemwin roots provide such a case: they exhibit both suppletion and agreement processes conditioned by animacy (i.e., grammatical gender), indicating that they are syntactically individuated.