Degree achievement verbs, which we take to be deadjectival verbs built out of open scale adjectival roots, have been the subject of much recent research. Many recent analyses emphasize the importance of the scalar structure of the underlying adjectival roots and suggest that scalar approaches making reference to degrees can provide an explanation of their grammatical properties (e.g., Kennedy and Levin 2008). In this paper, we argue against such approaches and propose that degree achievement verbs should be decomposed into an eventive and stative comparative component (e.g., von Stechow 1996). Evidence for this proposal comes from measure phrases occurring with these verbs and how they interact with the the sub-lexical modifier 'again' and the presupposition it introduces. We show that measure phrases can impose restrictions on how the presupposition of 'again' is interpreted. This is best explained if there is decomposition of these verbs into both an eventive and stative component, while scalar approaches that take the underlying semantics of these verbs to be measure of change functions do not predict these interactions.