The current work provides novel evidence from Greek for a model of gender resolution in coordination whereby interpretable and uninterpretable features interact with each other in the resolution calculus. It further provides evidence that neuter in Greek is an interpretable gender in addition to being 'default'. Relevant evidence comes from several sources, most notably from coordination of human nominals of fixed gender, as well as different coordination patterns involving human nominals with inanimates. It is shown that in Greek, when no gender features are shared, the result is undefined rather than 'default,' leading to ungrammaticality when an agreement target attempts to express features copied from &P. Crucially, the coordination of humans with inanimates is well-formed when the interpretable and uninterpretable gender features from the two conjuncts have matching values. This set of facts provides evidence for the current approach, empirically distinguishing it from related approaches to resolution.