Close examination of an understudied kind of clausal ellipsis in English, scrapping, points to the existence of clausal anaphors in the binding-theoretic sense: clausal elements that must be c-commanded by a coindexed antecedent. In particular, the gap in scrapping contains a null ModP-sized anaphor, demonstrating the necessity of anaphoric routes to ellipsis. I show that four core properties of scrapping fall out from this analysis: the obligatory presence of operator movement, the requirement that the gap be contained within its antecedent, the small size of the gap, and the requirement that the antecedent c-command the gap at LF.