Linguists across theoretical persuasions have noted that person has a more limited distribution of agreement and concord possibilities than number and gender. Baker (2008) proposes that this has a universal structural explanation: the subject of adjectival or nominal predication does not merge directly with an adjectival or nominal head, but instead with a higher head Pred. The lack of person agreement on non-verbs emerges when that structural assumption is combined with the Structural Condition on Person Agreement (SCOPA), which bans 1st/2nd person agreement on a head if the bearer of those features does not merge with that head. This paper presents data from original fieldwork on Koryak (Chukotko-Kamchatkan) that challenges SCOPA, as predicative nouns and adjectives (among others) in this language do show covarying person morphology. This paper argues, however, that in Koryak, Pred itself bears uninterpretable phi-features. Once it has agreed with the subject of predication, these features spread to Pred's complement by a highly typologically unusual process of person concord, thus defusing a possible counterexample to Baker's theory.