This paper proposes a novel analysis of a non-constituent ellipsis termed Determiner Sharing (DS, McCawley 1993) in German. DS describes gapping structures in which a determiner can be omitted from the second conjunct. This omission is impossible if no gapping occurs. The analysis proposes that the gapping-inducing [E]-feature can license the DS-inducing [E]-feature via Agree, extending the theory of ellipsis licensing proposed by Merchant (2001) and Aelbrecht (2010). The analysis shows how two distinct ellipsis processes interact through syntactic licensing, and suggests a potential instantiation of Minimal Compliance (Richards 2001) in ellipsis.
Proceedings of the 37th West Coast Conference on Formal Linguistics
edited by D. K. E. Reisinger and Marianne Huijsmans Table of contents
ISBN 978-1-57473-477-5 hardback
v + 225 pages
publication date: 2021
published by Cascadilla Proceedings Project, Somerville, MA, USA