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Ellipsis Where *(You Don't Expect It): Sluicing in Free Relative Clauses in Brazilian Portuguese
Dennis Ott and Daniel Siddiqi
197-204 (complete paper or proceedings contents)

Abstract

Clausal ellipsis in constituent questions, commonly known as sluicing, silences everything in the question except the wh-phrase. Across many languages, sluicing is licensed in interrogative clauses but not other kinds of wh-constructions, such as relative clauses. Brazilian Portuguese appears to be a typological exception in permitting sluicing in free relative clauses in addition to questions. In this paper, we show that such sluicing is true PF-deletion of syntactically realized material, and suggest that it can be understood as a kind of NP-internal ellipsis licensed by D.

Published in

Proceedings of the 37th West Coast Conference on Formal Linguistics
edited by D. K. E. Reisinger and Marianne Huijsmans
Table of contents
Printed edition: $375.00