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Bookmark and Share Paper 3527

Avoiding Multiple Reduplication without INTEGRITY
Gloria Mellesmoen and Suzanne Urbanczyk
169-178 (complete paper or proceedings contents)


This paper examines multiple reduplication (MR) in several languages, proposing that MR is prohibited from occurring due to a Binarity Restriction on how reduplicated words are generated: an element in the input can correspond to a maximum of two elements in the output. A strong prediction of the Binarity Restriction that seems to be borne out is that all cases of MR arise because they occur in different strata. An Optimality Theory analysis of the complex MR reduplication system of Halkomelem (Salish) is presented and provides compelling evidence for this Binarity Restriction on input-output pairings. In brief, a pattern of variable MR is identified in which an infixal allomorph is selected, rather than reduplication, when two reduplicative morphemes are present in the same stratum.

Published in

Proceedings of the 37th West Coast Conference on Formal Linguistics
edited by D. K. E. Reisinger and Marianne Huijsmans
Table of contents
Printed edition: $375.00