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Bookmark and Share Paper 3517

Spelling Out Object Agreement in Central Salish
Nico Baier and Gloria Mellesmoen
79-88 (complete paper or proceedings contents)


This paper compares transitivizer and object suffix paradigms across three Central Salish languages (Upriver Halkomelem, Comox-Sliammon, and Squamish) and within the Distributed Morphology framework. New support is given for the argument that Central Salish has overt third person object agreement, building on and strengthening individual analyses for Upriver Halkomelem (Galloway 1977, Wiltschko 2003), Squamish (Jacobs 2011), and Comox-Sliammon (Mellesmoen 2017). Third person marking is brought into line with other parts of the object marking paradigm, and the analysis of transitivizer allomorphy is simplified. This paper also argues that the object suffixes found with the control transitivizer are conditioned allomorphs, with the form appearing after the limited control and causative transitivizers being the unconditioned form. A theoretical implication of this analysis that a morphological 'default', which is the unconditioned form here, does not necessarily have to be less phonologically marked than its conditioned allomorph.

Published in

Proceedings of the 37th West Coast Conference on Formal Linguistics
edited by D. K. E. Reisinger and Marianne Huijsmans
Table of contents
Printed edition: $375.00