This paper revisits two key claims of the standard DP hypothesis: first, that the DP projection is the surface position of articles and other determiners, and second, that it is the single structural position in which the referent(s) or the index of a nominal expression is specified (Longobardi 1994; Giusti 2015). We present a number of languages in which combinations of non-article determiners (demonstratives, proper names, pronouns, possessors) can co-occur in a single nominal phrase, and argue that these patterns provide new evidence that the functions of "DP" are in some languages distributed across an articulated series of functional projections (Julien 2005; Syed 2016; Cheng et al. 2017). To account for cross-linguistic variation in permitted determiner co-occurrence patterns, we propose that languages share a universal hierarchy of features related to nominal reference and indexicality, but differ in the number of projections that they are mapped to and in the distribution of features across these projections (Giorgi & Pianesi 1997; Cowper 2005).