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Bookmark and Share Paper 3448

On the Coordinate Structure Constraint and Labeling
Željko Bošković
71-80 (complete paper or proceedings contents)


This paper deduces a modified version of the ban on extraction from conjuncts (CSC) based on the claim that conjuncts are phases, which also captures the across-the-board-movement exception and a number of other cases where extraction from conjuncts is shown to be possible (in particular, left-branch extraction in Serbo-Croatian, r-pronoun movement in Dutch, V-2 movement in German, clitic doubling in Dutch/Romance, quantifier-float in Japanese, article-incorporation in Galician, and object shift in English). Based on these cases the paper shows that the CSC holds only for successive-cyclic movement out of conjuncts, as in *Whoi did you see [ti friends of ti] and Sue: elements that are base-generated at the edge of a conjunct, or move there independently of successive-cyclic movement, can extract. The paper also sheds light on the ban on local wh-movement from SpecTP to SpecCP which is argued to require a return to split IP: it is shown that subjects undergoing wh-movement cannot move to the highest projection in the split IP even when the next step of movement is not SpecCP.

Published in

Proceedings of the 36th West Coast Conference on Formal Linguistics
edited by Richard Stockwell, Maura O'Leary, Zhongshi Xu, and Z.L. Zhou
Table of contents
Printed edition: $395.00