Wilson (2003, 2006) argues that unbounded spreading is, by nature, myopic. Subsequent work has shown that bounded harmonies like metaphony may exhibit non-myopic properties (Walker 2010). In this paper we present data from Tutrugbu, showing that, counter to Wilson's claim, unbounded regressive ATR harmony in the language is not myopic. We show that low vowels conditionally block harmony depending on the height of the word-initial vowel. Since the realization of a medial low vowel depends on both the [ATR] value of the following vowel and the height of the initial vowel, which may occur a significant distance to the left of the conditional blocker, harmony must have access to the entire string and not just the local target vowel. We present an analysis of this non-myopic harmony using a local spreading in tandem with non-local correspondence to model this complex harmony pattern.