In this paper, we focus on a set of data from Greek root-allomorphy that has been recently presented by Merchant (2015) as a counterexample to the strong hypothesis from Embick (2010) that linear adjacency between the trigger and the target is required for morphosyntactically-conditioned allomorphy to arise. We take issue with Merchant's proposed alternative hypothesis which essentially eliminates adjacency as a locality condition for allomorphy, due to the fact that one such solution leads to the loss of a striking (and not language-specific) implicational generalization, namely, that root-allomorphy never occurs in the presence of overt verbalizers, a straightforward blocking effect under the linear adjacency hypothesis. We propose an alternative account of the problematic cases of Greek root-allomorphy, whereby ASP and VCE form a single node via post-syntactic re-bracketing, allowing us to save the linear adjacency hypothesis.
Proceedings of the 35th West Coast Conference on Formal Linguistics
edited by Wm. G. Bennett, Lindsay Hracs, and Dennis Ryan Storoshenko
Table of contents