Investigating subtractive morphology involved in Lardil nominative formation, this study defends parallelism in Optimality Theory (OT). While relevant examples are accommodated in it, serial models like Harmonic Serialism (HS) and OT with candidate chains (OT-CC) cannot explain cases where vowel deletion interacts with consonant deletion. Serial segmental deletion generates incorrect output. Gradualness and steady harmonic ascent are key assumptions of HS and OT-CC, but they are impediments to the success of serialism. There is an alternative serial approach. Correct forms are produced serially if prosodic circumscription and delinearization are combined. This approach is misled since evidence suggests that literal segmental deletion is invoked in subtractive morphology. In conclusion, the nominative formation in Lardil favors parallel OT.
Proceedings of the 33rd West Coast Conference on Formal Linguistics
edited by Kyeong-min Kim, Pocholo Umbal, Trevor Block, Queenie Chan, Tanie Cheng, Kelli Finney, Mara Katz, Sophie Nickel-Thompson, and Lisa Shorten Table of contents
ISBN 978-1-57473-469-0 library binding
viii + 426 pages
publication date: 2016
published by Cascadilla Proceedings Project, Somerville, MA, USA