In this paper, I argue that number morphology is not the expression of dedicated number features like +singular, +plural, Group, etc. Instead, number morphology directly reflects the fact that pluralities are composed of discrete "atomic" elements. I examine instances of irregular nonsingular agreement in contexts where 1/2 person acts on another 1/2 person. By treating these irregularities as portmanteaux morphemes, expressing the features of both the subject and object, and adopting the decompositional view of morphological number, we can dispense with ad hoc post-syntactic processes which operate on phi-features (e.g., Impoverishment, Feature Insertion, etc.).
Proceedings of the 33rd West Coast Conference on Formal Linguistics
edited by Kyeong-min Kim, Pocholo Umbal, Trevor Block, Queenie Chan, Tanie Cheng, Kelli Finney, Mara Katz, Sophie Nickel-Thompson, and Lisa Shorten Table of contents
ISBN 978-1-57473-469-0 library binding
viii + 426 pages
publication date: 2016
published by Cascadilla Proceedings Project, Somerville, MA, USA