This paper is about the identity condition in ellipsis that holds between an elided expression and its antecedent, focusing on sluicing, the ellipsis of a Wh-question, leaving just the Wh-phrase overt. We argue that existing purely semantic conditions on sluicing should be supplemented by (and only by) what we dub the "Remnant Condition," concerned with an identity relation between the Wh-phrase 'remnant,' and its 'correlate,' in the antecedent. Specifically, we argue that equivalence of semantic type between remnants and correlates is required in sluicing, and, furthermore, that remnants must always have correlates (even if unpronounced/implicit). We show that the Remnant Condition not only subsumes the empirical coverage of extant syntactic identity conditions (like 'No New Words/Morphemes' (Chung 2006), and 'Fixed Diathesis' (Chung et al. 2011)), but covers new data that challenges such extant conditions.
Proceedings of the 33rd West Coast Conference on Formal Linguistics
edited by Kyeong-min Kim, Pocholo Umbal, Trevor Block, Queenie Chan, Tanie Cheng, Kelli Finney, Mara Katz, Sophie Nickel-Thompson, and Lisa Shorten Table of contents
ISBN 978-1-57473-469-0 library binding
viii + 426 pages
publication date: 2016
published by Cascadilla Proceedings Project, Somerville, MA, USA