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Bookmark and Share Paper 3181

Eliminating Pair-Merge
Yohei Oseki
303-312 (complete paper or proceedings contents)

Abstract

This paper explores phrase structure building of adjuncts. We propose that adjuncts have no labels ('Unlabeled Adjunct') due to inapplicability of the Labeling Algorithm (LA; Chomsky 2008) to {XP,YP} generated by External Merge (EM), but they can be labeled ('Labeled Adjunct') via Feature Sharing (FS; Chomsky 2013). Specifically, given a natural assumption on Narrow Syntax that Merge targets labeled nodes only (Chomsky 2000), derivations including Unlabeled Adjunct inevitably result in a "two-peaked" structure (Epstein, Kitahara, and Seely (EKS) 2012), while ones with Labeled Adjunct result in a "one-peaked" structure. It will be shown that the proposed analysis is theoretically desirable in that it can possibly eliminate adjunct-specific stipulations like Pair-Merge from syntax.

Published in

Proceedings of the 32nd West Coast Conference on Formal Linguistics
edited by Ulrike Steindl, Thomas Borer, Huilin Fang, Alfredo García Pardo, Peter Guekguezian, Brian Hsu, Charlie O'Hara, and Iris Chuoying Ouyang
Table of contents
Printed edition: $375.00