This paper examines various types of predicate fronting out of non-primary predicational domains in Korean. The paper argues that otherwise unexpected variations in predicate fronting can be explained by the interaction of cyclic linearization and anti-locality. Specifically, the paper proposes that a predicate cannot be fronted over its own subject under anti-locality, and that this ordering restriction is preserved due to cyclic linearization of predicational domains. It is shown that a set of interesting asymmetries between two types of small clauses (epistemic vs. episodic) in Korean can be explained under this proposal. Moreover, puzzling contrasts between two types of Raising constructions in predicate fronting are also derived from the proposal. Overall, this paper provides further support for the research program that cyclic Spell-out applies to predicational units in general, which include small clauses and Sentential Predication. It also provides a viable explanation for the so-called PBC effects in predicate fronting without resorting to the notion of trace.