This paper offers an explanation for the curious fact that Dutch R-pronouns cannot strand P under sluicing, contrary to what we expect based on Merchant's (2001) P-stranding generalization. I argue that R-words are categorically and semantically underspecified and obtain their function and meaning throughout the derivation. The pronominal meaning requires P to be overt, both in ellipsis and in other contexts such as relative clauses headed by a PP. For the former context, pied-piping is then required to license that meaning. If not, the resulting derivation violates e-GIVENness because a locational variable is licensed instead.
Proceedings of the 32nd West Coast Conference on Formal Linguistics
edited by Ulrike Steindl, Thomas Borer, Huilin Fang, Alfredo García Pardo, Peter Guekguezian, Brian Hsu, Charlie O'Hara, and Iris Chuoying Ouyang Table of contents
ISBN 978-1-57473-466-9 library binding
vii + 351 pages
publication date: 2015
published by Cascadilla Proceedings Project, Somerville, MA, USA