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Bookmark and Share Paper 3175

Merchant's Wrinkle: The Ban on Dutch Bare R-Pronoun Ellipsis Remnants
Marlies Kluck
248-257 (complete paper or proceedings contents)

Abstract

This paper offers an explanation for the curious fact that Dutch R-pronouns cannot strand P under sluicing, contrary to what we expect based on Merchant's (2001) P-stranding generalization. I argue that R-words are categorically and semantically underspecified and obtain their function and meaning throughout the derivation. The pronominal meaning requires P to be overt, both in ellipsis and in other contexts such as relative clauses headed by a PP. For the former context, pied-piping is then required to license that meaning. If not, the resulting derivation violates e-GIVENness because a locational variable is licensed instead.

Published in

Proceedings of the 32nd West Coast Conference on Formal Linguistics
edited by Ulrike Steindl, Thomas Borer, Huilin Fang, Alfredo García Pardo, Peter Guekguezian, Brian Hsu, Charlie O'Hara, and Iris Chuoying Ouyang
Table of contents
Printed edition: $375.00