This paper reports on an experimental study that investigates the availability of inverse scope to double-quantifier sentences in Russian. The relative contributions of quantifier configuration, word order, prosody and information structure to the availability of inverse scope are examined. A sentence-picture verification task, with auditory presentation of sentences, is used to examine the scope preferences of adult native Russian speakers. The results indicate that (i) Russian speakers exhibit a strong preference for the surface-scope readings of non-emotive sentences, with both canonical SVO and scrambled OVS word orders; (ii) contrastive prosody on the indefinite facilitates the inverse-scope reading for OVS but not SVO order; and (iii) the same effects of contrastive prosody obtain for sentences presented in isolation as for sentences presented with supporting context, suggesting that speakers recover information structure from prosody.