Across languages, adnominal adjectives (ADJs) occur only in certain orders, both among themselves and relative to other N dependents, and exactly what is responsible for their ordering restrictions (AORs) has been under a lively debate. The present paper aims to contribute to this ongoing debate by looking at Korean, a head-final, determiner-less, classifier, scrambling language, whose AOR phenomenon has not been much studied in the literature. A crucial finding will be that while the phonological weight of N modifiers largely determines their relative ordering, it does not necessarily determine their semantics, contra the prevailing view (e.g., Sproat and Shih 1988, 1990; Cinque 2010). To capture such partial correspondence between the form and meaning of N modifiers in Korean, this paper proposes that there are discourse (D) oriented and non-D-oriented Mod regions inside DP, and any N modifiers including RCs can occur in either region, so long as they are introduced by a functional head and their merge is allowed by compositional semantics (compare Larson 1988, 2000; Svenonius 2008).
Proceedings of the 31st West Coast Conference on Formal Linguistics
edited by Robert E. Santana-LaBarge
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