Though the Hindi discourse particle hii is frequently assumed to be non-scalar and roughly equivalent in meaning to only, I present new data to show that it has both an exclusive requirement and a scalar requirement on the discourse context. To account for these felicity conditions, I motivate two presuppositions for the meaning of hii and show how this analysis explains how sirf (Hindi only) can associate with the same focused constituent as hii. The analysis demonstrates how hii's meaning is a unique combination of the effects of the well-known only and even.
Proceedings of the 31st West Coast Conference on Formal Linguistics
edited by Robert E. Santana-LaBarge
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