Based on an examination of some asymmetries between English VP ellipsis/French TP ellipsis and English VP fronting/French TP fronting, this paper argues against a truncation approach and for an intervention approach to the well-known restrictions on main clause phenomena. Adopting Johnson's (2001) approach to VP ellipsis whereby the to-be-elided phrase moves to the left periphery but fails to be spelled out at PF, the authors argue that these asymmetries follow from the fact that a fronted VP or TP, being an intervener for wh-movement in adverbial clauses, will cause the derivation to crash unless it is salvaged by the 'rescue by PF deletion' mechanism advocated in Bošković (2011). This proposal entails that adverbial clauses are derived by wh-movement (Haegeman 2006) and that the landing site for VP/TP fronting must be available in non-root environments. These conclusions cast doubt on the truncation accounts of non-root clauses that have been proposed in recent years.
Proceedings of the 31st West Coast Conference on Formal Linguistics
edited by Robert E. Santana-LaBarge
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