This paper argues that Zulu displays a four-way dissociation between Case, agreement, EPP, and information structure. Evidence for the separation of these grammatical components comes from raising constructions in Zulu: nouns without augment morphology in Zulu must either remain inside the embedded vP or raise to object in the matrix vP. They cannot surface in an agreeing subject position, either matrix or embedded. This behavior contrasts with that of augmented nominals, which display no such restrictions and for which raising is optional. This paper argues that augmentless nominals lack inherent Case and must receive structural Case inside vP, yielding the restrictions observed in raising constructions. Evidence from co-occurrence restrictions on augmentless nominals within vP provides a fuller picture of the vP-internal nominal licensing system in the language. Parts of this work were supported by NSF DDIG grant 1122426 Doctoral Dissertation Research: Argument Licensing and Agreement.