This paper proposes that intervention effects in Korean can be construed as NPI licensing intervention in which an NPI dependency between an NPI and negation is interfered with by a wh-interrogative dependency between a wh-in-situ and its Q-operator. It appears that the configuration of intervention effects where a wh-in-situ cannot be preceded by an NPI can be generalized as a violation of the Immediate Scope Constraint, which requires no logical element to intervene between an NPI and negation (Linebarger 1987, Kim 1999, Sells 2001a, Sells and Kim 2006, among others). Considering previous accounts of Korean NPI licensing conditions showing that Korean NPIs are not in the scope of negation (Chung and Park 1998, Kim 1999, Lee 2001, Sells 2001a/b, Sells and Kim 2006) as a theoretical and empirical departure, this paper investigates how intervention effects can be revisited as an instance of Immediate Scope Constraint violation. Along this line of reasoning, this paper also discusses that the cancellation of intervention effects by D-linking falls out nicely from the current analysis, since D-linked wh-phrases can be treated as definites (Rullman and Beck 1998), which are inherently operator-free in the Heimian sense, so they do not violate the Immediate Scope Constraint.
Proceedings of the 26th West Coast Conference on Formal Linguistics
edited by Charles B. Chang and Hannah J. Haynie
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