This paper argues against a uniform treatment of amount relatives. Specifically, it claims that not all types of relatives that have been included in the class of amount relatives actually involve quantification over degrees. A new semantics which involves a covert superlative morpheme is proposed for there-relatives. The function of the superlative morpheme is to absorb the degree variable contained in the degree relative and yield a set of individuals. ACD relatives with amount readings, on the other hand, do not involve degree quantification, but owe their specific amount readings to a special E-type restrictive relative interpretation. This distinction in the semantics can account both for the distribution of the amount readings and for various restrictions on the two classes of relatives.
Proceedings of the 26th West Coast Conference on Formal Linguistics
edited by Charles B. Chang and Hannah J. Haynie
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