Previous research on multiple varieties of Spanish has shown that although pre-nuclear peaks in broad focus utterances tend to be aligned in a post-tonic syllable, L+>H* (e.g., McGory and Díaz-Campos 2002), an early, L+H* peak often, but not always, occurs in contact varieties (e.g., Colantoni 2011; O'Rourke 2004). The present article analyzes pre-nuclear peak alignment in Guatemalan Spanish; specifically, in the Spanish spoken by monolinguals and bilinguals of Spanish and K'ichee'. 30 speakers (10 monolinguals from Quetzaltenango, 10 bilinguals from Cantel, and 10 bilinguals from Nahualá) participated in a controlled production task similar to those employed in previous studies in which the target word was fixed in phrase-medial position (Face 2001; O'Rourke 2004). The results of the production task demonstrate that most speakers, 27 of 30, produce late, L+>H* pre-nuclear peaks in Spanish. However, the results also indicate that there is significant individual speaker variation; bilinguals from Nahualá produced pre-nuclear peaks that were significantly earlier than the other speaker groups even though these earlier peaks were often not early enough to be considered an early, L+H* peak. The bilingual data was further analyzed according to bilingual language dominance, as interpreted by the Bilingual Language Profile (Birdsong et al. 2012). The results of a correlation analysis reveal that there is a positive correlation between peak alignment and language dominance: K'ichee'-dominant bilinguals tended to have earlier pre-nuclear peaks than Spanish-dominant bilinguals. Overall, these results reveal variation in pre-nuclear peak alignment within the same variety of Spanish and further indicate that it is often more felicitous to not conflate different kinds of bilinguals into a single participant group (Grosjean 1998).
Selected Proceedings of the 6th Conference on Laboratory Approaches to Romance Phonology
edited by Erik W. Willis, Pedro Martín Butragueño, and Esther Herrera Zendejas
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